The United Kingdom’s grooming gangs

The British are famous for their elegance system, their tea drinking and, now that Elon Musk has told everyone, the grooming, rape, trafficking and torture of underage women through gangs. predominantly Pakistani Muslim origin. for decades. Police have documented it in at least 50 cities. The number of known victims is in the thousands. This can be in the thousands. This still happens. Almost none of the perpetrators have been prosecuted.

A small number of convictions were received in the 2010s. Local investigations have been carried out in cities in the north of England, where gangs of rapists were first detected. All of them had Labour MPs and a local council controlled by Labour. On January 6, the Labour majority in the House of Commons rejected a Conservative amendment calling for a national inquiry.

“Anna” was from Bradford, Yorkshire. She was 14 and living in a children’s home when she said she had been raped repeatedly. When she was 15, her social worker attended her “wedding,” an exchange of Muslim vows. Social arranged for her to be “housed” through her rapist’s parents, who controlled and abused her.

In Telford, Shropshire, Azhar Ali Mehmood, 22, began worrying about Lucy Lowe when she was 12. She became pregnant at 14 and gave birth to her baby. In her diary, she describes how he forced her to have sex with several older men. She was pregnant for the second time when Mehmood poured fuel into the mailbox of her relatives’ house. The fire killed Lucy, her unborn child, and her mother.

In Rotherham, Yorkshire, 11-year-old Sarah was living in a children’s home when she was raped for the first time. When the police arrived, she and another woman were, she said, “pushed to the side of the bed, naked, without clothes. ” A police officer said: “There is no one here” and left. The rapes and beatings lasted five or six years and affected between 40 and 50 men. When she reported it to the police, they accused her of lying.  

“Emma”, another woman from Rotherham, was drugged and gang-ganged at age 12 and raped at age 13. Gang members parked their car in front of her mother’s space and threatened to rape her too, unless she allowed the abuse. . continue.

‘Paul’, the father of a Rotherham woman who was first raped aged 14, went to police four times. He explained that the attitude of the police was that “if she hangs out with them, they will have to be slapped [for promiscuity]. Let them continue. » After Paul’s fourth stop at the police, he was told to leave or face arrest.

One night in Oldham, near Manchester, 12-year-old “Sophie” went to a police station and told the desk officer that she had just been molested in a graveyard by a man named “Ali.” The desk officer told her to come back with an adult when she was sober. Two men accosted her in the police station. They took her to their car and then picked up a third man. The three of them raped her in the car and then dumped her on the street. Lost, she asked a man named Sarwar Ali for directions. He took her to his house, raped her, and gave her money for a bus fare home. A man named Shakil Chowdhury pulled up in his car and offered her a ride home. He abducted her and took her to a house where he and four other men repeatedly raped her.

In Manchester, Victoria Agoglia was drugged and raped continuously before receiving a fatal dose of heroin when she was 15. In Blackpool, 14-year-old Charlene Downes disappeared near a takeaway restaurant in 2003. In 2007, prosecutors alleged that her killers dismembered her and combined her remains with minced meat for kebabs. They failed to obtain a conviction. The suspects are still at large.

There are thousands of stories like this. For years, gangs of Pakistani origin have drugged, raped, beaten, tortured, trafficked and even murdered underage women throughout the country. The social staff knew what was going on. In the afternoon they saw cars with darkened windows stop in front of the children’s residences. The police knew what was going on. Anna,” said an “Asian officer” who picked her and her friend up one afternoon in Rotherham and drove them back to their children’s home. Councilmembers and members knew this. The social staff and the distraught mothers and fathers asked them for help.

Instead of helping the girls, the government persecutes them.  

The victims were almost entirely underage white women from poor and problematic backgrounds. Many of them lived in nursing homes. Her rapists were mostly Muslims of Pakistani origin. The police, like the rapists, treated the women as insignificant “white salt shakers. ” Rotherham police have told the father of a 15-year-old woman who was raped that he can now “learn his lesson”. The attack was so brutal that he had to undergo surgery. But the cover-up was not limited to elegance snobbery or old-fashioned sexism. It was supported through the government’s multicultural approach.   Women were human sacrifices on the altar of political correctness.

Since the 1950s, and especially since the 1990s, mass immigration has transformed Britain into a multi-religious and multi-racial society. The government and police controlled this immediate and unprecedented transformation through “community relations. ” This means staying in close contact with ethnic minority “communities” and their leaders and directing state resources to their communities. The politicization of the police is the accidental result of this policy, but its goal: the police are a tool to create “community cohesion. ” 

The accidental outcomes of “community relations” include bloc voting and, in the case of Muslim immigrants, the nomination of mosque leaders as official interlocutors and spokesmen. This has led to permanent control of wards and, in towns with high immigrant populations such as Bradford, permanent control of the administration by Pakistanis. The Labour Party, like the Democrats in the United States, has capitalized on the electoral potential.

The result is the classic symptoms of urban politics, with one crucial difference. Police, councilors, and the welfare system are bound in a web of corruption and clientage, presided over by a single party. The difference is that American-style urban politics is about raw numbers. This is not the case in England. In Rotherham, a 2015 inquiry found, Pakistanis constituted only 3% of the population. No one in Rotherham wanted to “get out the vote.” They wanted to suppress the fact that a new and horrific form of organized crime was being practiced almost entirely by a tiny minority of the town’s population.

The authorities failed to act and actively suppressed the truth because they favored a nonwhite minority and feared the reaction of the white majority. In Rotherham, a senior police officer is alleged to have acknowledged that the rapes had been “going on for 30 years,” but “with it being Asians, we can’t afford for this to be coming out.” Another senior officer told a 2015 inquiry into Rotherham Council that the authorities fear their town becoming known as “the child abuse capital of the North” and “didn’t want riots.”

In 2010, West Midlands Police met almost 140 victims, some as young as 13, and 75 suspects, most of them Pakistani Muslims from Birmingham. The report admitted that the combination of the “predominant offender profile of Pakistani Muslim men” and the “predominant victim profile of white women” had “the potential to cause significant tensions in the network. ” West Midlands Police suppressed the report because, as they later admitted, they did not need any disorder in the weeks leading up to the 2010 general election. The report was published in 2015 following a freedom of access request. information.  

The story slowly came to light thanks to the efforts of a handful of women. In 2000, an investigator from the Home Office was sent to Rotherham council to examine child prostitution in the city. He met more than 270 victims of trafficking and prostitution of minors through basically Pakistani Muslim gangs. He informed the South Yorkshire police chief but the police did nothing. When he presented his report to the councillors, he was told that he deserved to “never, ever” mention the race or faith of the attackers. The council’s child coverage office sent her to a two-day “ethnicity and diversity course. “The information that supported his report came from Risky Business, a council initiative that opposes child prostitution. Rotherham City Council closed Risky Business in 2011.

It is not clear whether the Home Office in London was aware as early as 2002 of what was happening in Rotherham. The first police investigation was not opened until 2010. The first convictions came in 2011, when five men of Pakistani origin were jailed. for crimes against Rotherham women as young as 12. A 2014 survey estimated that 1,400 women had been serially raped in Rotherham alone. This trend has been repeated in up to 50 cities across the country, including leafy Oxford and liberal Bristol.

A series of trials and local inquiries ran through the 2010s and culminated in a 2022 report by the Scottish social worker Alexis Jay, which made 20 recommendations for improved policing. When there was a trial or when an inquiry filed its report, the London media covered it. The media then reverted to political gossip about Westminster. Meanwhile, the British public learned that the system had not so much broken down as worked to empower a form of mass criminality of almost unimaginable scope and depravity.

The trials challenged not only government agencies but also the unanimous consensus among politicians and the media that Britain had uniquely successfully controlled mass immigration. However, the Conservative government, the Labor opposition and the mainstream media have only proposed procedural reforms, for example advising police to be more responsive to women when they report being raped. They gave the impression that this was a challenge that had to be controlled, like drug trafficking or illegal immigration. Politicians and the media classified as “far-right” anyone who pointed out that the attackers were Pakistani Muslims and discussed their apparent racial and religious motivations.

There is no national evaluation. Local investigations were carried out in Rotherham, Telford and Rochdale, but not in Oxford, Manchester, Liverpool or any of the dozens of towns where convictions were obtained. A 2015 national report looked at just a few regions, adding only one with a rape gang challenge in Pakistan, and concluded there was no racial or religious component.

There has never been an investigation in the Yorkshire town of Bradford, which has one of the largest populations of Pakistani Muslims in Britain.   Robbie Moore, Conservative MP for the neighboring constituencies of Keighley and Ilkley, told the House of Commons on 1 January. 6 that “rapist gangs” had been “haunting” Bradford for decades. He suspects the scale of abuse in Bradford will “dwarf that in Rotherham”.

Public outrage and insufficient political and media reaction turned Tommy Robinson into a popular hero. A white working class Englishman, Robinson from Luton, a city with a gigantic Pakistani population. Her cousin had been treated. Robinson, a former football hooligan and former member of the neo-fascist British National Party, rallied the “football boys” of the English Defense League and broadcast live to the rape gang courts. He has recently been remanded in custody for contempt of court and in solitary confinement for his own safety.

The parliamentary strength of the Labour Party is based on the votes of urban Muslims. This means cultivating “community relations” at the local level, which has created no unusual interest among Labour, the welfare bureaucracy and the police. The whole edifice of the politically correct state is now collapsing. This will bury the Labour Party.

From 1998 to 2006, Shabir Ahmed, a Labour Party member, was employed by Oldham Council as a welfare officer in the welfare rights unit seconded to the Oldham Pakistani Community Centre. In 2012, he was convicted of 32 counts of rape, aiding and abetting rape, sexual assault, and trafficking for the purposes of sexual exploitation.

Lewis Quigg, Conservative member of Oldham council, said on January 3 that the Labour-controlled council had blocked an investigation “six times” in the past two years. “It’s historic, like going back in time, but it’s also the fact that those caretaker gangs are still operating. ”

In 2016, former Conservative Telford MP Lucy Allan called on the Home Office to publish an investigation into Telford’s gangs of rapists. Ten members of the Oldham Council wrote to Amber Rudd, then a Conservative House clerk, to oppose an inquiry. Signatories included the city’s director of child and adult services, member of the cabinet for children, youth and communities, chair of the child and youth scrutiny committee, West Mercia police crime commissioner and council Labour leader Shaun. An independent investigation has uncovered more than 1,000 cases of child rape in Telford. Davies is now a Labour MP and sits on the Home Affairs Select Committee.

In 2017, Simon Danczuk, the Labour MP for Rochdale from 2010 to 2017, told Alexis Jay that two Labour MPs from neighboring constituencies, Jim Dobbin and Tony Lloyd, warned him not to discuss the ethnicity of the perpetrators, for fear of losing votes. Lloyd became police commissioner for Greater Manchester in 2012. When Danczuk wrote an article criticizing the Manchester police for failing to pursue the gangs, Lloyd, he says, phoned him and threatened to “bounce him from Rochdale to Westminster.” Lloyd inherited Danczuk’s seat in 2017.

No wonder the Labor Party now refuses to hold a national inquiry. Like the Home Office, the social bureaucracy and the police, the Labor Party is concerned at all levels.   Local Labor politicians of Pakistani origin intervened in police investigations. Senior parliamentarians threatened their colleagues who were speaking.   Home Secretary Yvette Cooper recently hired Amanda Chadderton, who was sacked by the Oldham electorate for blocking efforts to hold an inquiry.   Prime Minister Keir Starmer, Director of Public Prosecutions for the Crown Prosecution Service from 2008 to 2015. Their combined effects are already being studied.

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In 2009, the Starmer-led CPS dropped the prosecution of a gang of rapists and groomers in Rochdale despite the availability of DNA evidence and hours of video testimony. When Nazir Afzal began running for crown prosecutor in 2011, she overturned the CPS decision. In 2012, Afzal secured the conviction of eight Pakistanis and one Afghan. Afzal later said that “white professionals’ hypersensitive reaction to political correctness and concern about appearing racist would have possibly contributed to the blockage of justice. “

On Jan. 6, Starmer accused those calling for a full inquiry of “jumping on the bandwagon” for attention and “amplifying what the far Right is saying.” Elon Musk has already drawn the world’s attention to Britain. There is no serious “far Right.” By blocking a national inquiry, Labour confirms its historic role in the scandal. The reckoning has begun.

Dominic Green is a columnist for the Washington Examiner and a Fellow of the Royal Historical Society. Find him on X @drdominicgreen.

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