It’s a war the president craves, and that Democrats seem very happy to provide. This diverts attention from this other war, to coronavirus. And the media reaction, in general, a surprise and horror reacted directly to Trump’s tactics.
REACHING THE POLICE, BUT BIDEN IS A CHOSEN GOAL
It is a signing of Trump’s mandate that promises to overturn local government and impose law and order, a popular issue among the Republican electorate going to Richard Nixon, but it is also a major problem in attracting liberals concerned about violence in their communities.
The president’s crackdown on illegal immigration, his court cases about safeguarding cities, and his warnings about Central American caravans in the medium term have been an early indicator of this approach.
When protests after the assassination of George Floyd turned violent, the president, after a rise-out concern for police brutality, sharply pointed to the riots. He criticized the Democratic mayors of Minneapolis and Seattle for wasting control in their cities, and on Seattle’s specific leaders for allowing protesters to exclude police from an independent area.
Now it is never the very violent protesters who are at the forefront, yet a wave of shootings and murders in the country’s largest cities.
The last downside is Portland, where Trump sent federal agents who caught protesters in the street and threw them into unmarked cars without explaining why they were arrested or arrested. This provoked a rhetorical and legal war.
As the New York Times, Oregon Democratic Gov. Kate Brown, called it a “blatant abuse of power,” and Portland Democratic Mayor Ted Wheeler called it an “attack on our democracy.” The state attorney general requested a termination order from the courts in opposition to federal agents.
As is often the case with Trump, we must have anonymous resources to guess his political intent. Here’s what it says:
“Look what’s going on: all led by Democrats, all led by very liberal Democrats. All led, really, by the radical left … If Biden came in, that would be true for the counterattack. to hell. And we’re not maxims probably to let it go to hell.”
When many protesters gathered at a Portland court leading in the early hours of the morning, federal agents fired fuel and projectiles at them.
Nancy Pelosi, for her part, tweeted about Trump’s “typhoon soldiers” and said in an agent that they “kidnapped the protesters” and is never a “bananera republic.”
Now, Trump is thinking of detaining federal police officers in Chicapass, also rejoicing over Democratic canor Lori Lightfoot, and advised that he can also do the same with other primary cities, adding New York, Detroit and Philadelphia.
The Times says Trump is taking on a “challenge that would gain prometre among the electorate at a time when the big apple of his own supporters has soured its leader amid a dangerous pandemic and economic collapse.”
But while violence in these cities is never as devastating as it has been in recent decades, it is embarrassing. For example, 63 other Americans were shot dead at Chicapass last weekend, and a dozen of them were killed. Young teenagers were killed in the fatal crossfire. It’s a summer wave that would force a reaction from Apple’s president.
But much of the media coverage, no less than nationally, is more focused on Trump’s tactics than on the fatal scourge they must fight. Of course, the president contributes to this concentrate, and might like it, when he explicitly frames the argument of the acircular Democratic leaders and says biden would cause a blackout in “hell.”
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The call from Michelle Goldberg’s Times column expresses the content of the comment: “The city race through Trump has begun.”
After recounting how a federal agent shot a protester in the head with an “influence ammunition” and needed reconstructive surgery, Goldberg said, “There is something scary about using Border Patrol agents opposed to American dissidents. After the attack on protesters near the White House last month, the military rejected Trump’s attempts to oppose citizens. Police in Apple’s big cities are prepared to brutalize protesters, but are under local control. However, U.S. Customs and Border Protection is under federal authority, they have a leading fanatic. Trump-faithful and are saturated with far-right policies.
Ruth Marcus of The Washington Post writes that “law enforcement officials are not targeting protesters involved in violence; seem to randomly sweep away other Americans who have exercised their rights under the First Amendment … This is never very America.”
At MSNBC, commentator John Heilemann denounced what he called “paraarmia units” that “were seen in authoritarian regimes in Third World countries.” . »»
Now there is a long era between taking down federal forces to combat urban violence and genuine election theft. But the big apple experts are so cautious with Trump that, in this interview with Chris Wallace, he doesn’t promise to control the election effects, that they see it as a possible plan to gain power.
Certainly, leadership will have to answer more than one question about how law enforcement officials behave and why they do not identify themselves. The federal government might have the strength to do so, however, it is not the infrequent best friend for a president to send border officials and patrolmen despite objections from mayors and governors. In fact, Dwight Eisenhower ending up with the National Guard to force the disintegration of a Little Rock school in 1957 is the first excess that comes to mind.
But what minimizes national politics is violence itself, whether it is caused by demonstrations, gangs or garden offenders. Millions of Americans are naturreatest friends concerned about this, they help underlying reasons like the opposing fight to racial injustice.
The irobig apple is that Trump will criticize Biden for being soft on crime, when the former vice president was hit in the primaries by a technique too harsh for his editor of the 199four bill.
For now, however, this is the battle box selected through the president. He could have resumed briefings on the virus yesterday, but he’s in a defensive position at Covid-19. With the difficulty of the crime, he is angry, but the political burden is high.